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The pneultimate day of the World Urban Forum 13 in Baku will see Azerbaijan's Pavilion highlight post-construction efforts in Garabagh ...
In the Gulf, U.S. military bases have long been central to regional security. But rising tensions and shifting global dynamics are prompting new questions about what they protect - and whose interests they serve.
The United States has maintained a military presence in the Gulf for decades, rooted in efforts to secure energy supplies, support allies and manage regional instability. This presence expanded after the Gulf War and was reinforced during the Iraq War.
Today, a network of bases across countries such as Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabiaallows Washington to operate across the Middle East and beyond.
These bases are located near some of the world’s most important oil and gas routes, including the Strait of Hormuz, through which a large share of global energy supplies passes.
This geography has shaped U.S. policy for decades, particularly following the Carter Doctrine, which committed the United States to protecting the flow of oil from the Gulf.
Analysts say the role of these bases extends beyond immediate defence needs, reflecting a mix of military, economic and political objectives.
The United States maintains major military hubs across the Middle East to project power, gather intelligence and support regional allies. Here is a closer look at their strategic roles:
Al Udeid is the largest U.S. base in the Middle East and hosts the forward headquarters for United States Central Command. It serves as a central hub for air operations, intelligence gathering, and command and control, enabling rapid deployment and regional reach.
Naval Support Activity Bahrain is the headquarters of the United States Navy Fifth Fleet. It is critical for maritime operations across the Persian Gulf, Red Sea and parts of the Indian Ocean, safeguarding shipping lanes and monitoring regional threats, particularly from Iran.
These facilities function as logistics, staging and operational centres. They support ground forces, host air expeditionary units, and provide training and readiness capabilities, sustaining U.S. operations in Iraq, Syria and the wider region.
Al Dhafra hosts fighter jets and surveillance aircraft, while Jebel Ali Port serves as a key naval logistics hub. Together, they enable monitoring of Iranian activity and help secure maritime chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz.
Prince Sultan Air Base provides air defence and rapid response capabilities near Riyadh. It plays a key role in monitoring threats and supporting Saudi security, while enabling swift action during regional crises.
According to Elxan Şahinoğlu, a political analyst at the Atlas Research Centre, the primary function of U.S. bases is to support allied governments in the region.
“The first purpose is related to military security. The aim is to protect these countries,” he says.
“These countries are strategic partners and allies of the United States.”
At the same time, he notes that the presence carries a broader message about U.S. global standing.
“The country with the most military bases in the world is the United States,” he says.
“By having military bases in the Gulf countries, the United States also demonstrates its military presence in this region.”
This dual role - defence and projection of power - has long defined U.S. engagement in the Gulf, where military cooperation is closely linked to political influence.
The bases are designed to provide rapid response, surveillance and air defence, deterring threats while reassuring regional partners. However, recent tensions, including drone and missile attacks, have raised questions about their effectiveness.
Şahinoğlu describes the bases as “primarily defensive,” but says their limitations have been exposed.
“During the recent conflict, those bases were not able to fully ensure the security of these countries,” he says. “U.S. air defence systems… neutralised some of Iran’s drone activities.”
These developments have fuelled debate over the reliability of current security arrangements.
The Gulf’s role as a major supplier of oil and gas remains central to U.S. strategy. Regional stability directly affects global markets, and disruptions can have far-reaching economic consequences.
Şahinoğlu links the military presence to these concerns.
“The Gulf countries are oil and gas-producing nations,” he says. “By establishing and maintaining military bases in these countries, the United States also helps ensure the security of their energy supplies.”
Robert Manning, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, describes this as part of a long-standing arrangement.
“The ring of U.S. bases in the Gulf reflects the ‘oil-for-security’ bargain that has been in effect in the post-Second World War period,” he says.
He adds that recent conflict has disrupted this balance. “The Iran war… disrupted that bargain,” he says, noting that some Gulf states were not fully shielded from attacks.
Manning also highlights the region’s expanding role beyond energy. “The bases also helped underpin growing U.S. AI and other tech investment in the Gulf,” he says.
“The Gulf has become a locus of U.S.-China AI competition.”
The Gulf is increasingly shaped by competition between major powers, particularly the United States and China. Beijing has expanded its presence through trade, infrastructure and energy partnerships linked to its Belt and Road Initiative.
Şahinoğlu says U.S. bases may help counterbalance this influence.
“The United States is largely in competition with China,” he says. “Its Belt and Road Initiative… spans multiple continents, including the Middle East.”
He notes that Gulf states are pursuing ties with both powers. “Although they are strategic partners of the United States… they are also developing ties with China and strengthening economic relations.”
He suggests cooperation patterns could shift further. “After the recent conflict, cooperation between Gulf countries and China may increase even further,” he says. “U.S. military bases… have the potential to create a strategic balance with China.”
Manning, however, sees China’s role as primarily economic.
“The U.S. military presence in the region has little impact on China’s role,” he says. “China’s role… is mainly a geoeconomic strategy.”
Analysts say the role of U.S. bases in the Gulf is evolving as regional and global dynamics shift. While they remain central to military operations and alliances, their effectiveness and broader purpose are being reassessed.
Recent conflicts have exposed gaps in regional defence systems, particularly against drones and missile attacks. This has led some Gulf states to question the reliability of U.S. security guarantees.
At the same time, Washington faces pressure to balance its Middle East commitments with other priorities, including competition in the Indo-Pacific.
Energy markets are also changing. Although the Gulf remains a major supplier, the United States is now less dependent on Middle Eastern energy than in previous decades, altering strategic calculations.
Meanwhile, regional powers are diversifying partnerships, strengthening ties with China through trade, infrastructure and technology investment.
Manning notes that these shifts are already visible. “Post-Gulf war, the Gulf states’ ties to the U.S. are likely to be redefined,” he says.
Şahinoğlu adds that future conflicts could accelerate this trend. “If another conflict occurs… cooperation between Gulf countries and China may increase,” he says.
Together, these developments point to a more fluid regional order, where U.S. bases remain important but their role is increasingly under scrutiny.
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