Iran sends reply to U.S. peace plan as tensions persist in Strait of Hormuz
Iran said on Sunday (10 May) that it had sent its response to a U.S. proposal aimed at launching peace talks to end the war, as signs of tentative ...
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There are moments in history when energy ceases to be merely an economic commodity and becomes a defining pillar of geopolitical order. We are living through one such moment.
The emerging map stretching from the Caspian basin to the Eastern Mediterranean, from the Black Sea to the Horn of Africa, is no longer fragmented; it is evolving into an interconnected system.
Within this system, Türkiye is not simply a transit country. It has the potential to become a centre capable of shaping and directing energy flows.
Yet there is a critical reality that cannot be ignored: Türkiye is also a country with a significant energy deficit. It imports roughly 94% of its oil and more than 95% of its natural gas. This transforms energy from a purely economic issue into a matter of national security. Türkiye’s energy strategy, therefore, cannot be limited to strengthening its transit role; it must also diversify supply and reduce external dependency.
This transformation cannot be explained by reserves alone. Pipelines, LNG infrastructure, maritime chokepoints, financing models and, perhaps most importantly, political normalisation processes are shaping a new energy architecture. If stability, co-operation and strategic coordination can be achieved, a multi-layered system centred on Türkiye could emerge - linking producers, transit routes and end markets in ways not previously possible.
Since 2022, the European Union has taken decisive steps to reduce its dependence on Russian gas. LNG - largely from the U.S. - has helped fill part of the gap, but at a cost: higher prices, volatile spot markets, and infrastructure constraints. For a continent consuming around 400 bcm of gas annually, pipeline supply remains strategically and economically indispensable.
This has refocused attention on Türkiye’s neighbourhood. The Caspian, the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean offer relatively proximate and underutilised gas resources. The key question is no longer whether the gas exists, but whether it can be delivered reliably, competitively and sustainably.
Azerbaijan stands at the heart of this evolving architecture, already serving as a reliable link between the Caspian and Europe. Through the Southern Gas Corridor, Azerbaijani gas has become a cornerstone of Europe’s diversification strategy and Türkiye’s ambition to become an energy hub.
Current flows of around 10–12 bcm annually to Türkiye, and additional volumes to Europe, are only the beginning. The system - built around TANAP and TAP - offers scalable infrastructure. With upstream expansion in Azerbaijan and additional volumes potentially fed in from Turkmenistan, capacity could rise well beyond current levels.
More importantly, Azerbaijan is not just a supplier; it is a connector. Its geographic and political positioning enables it to act as a bridge between Central Asian resources, Turkish infrastructure and European markets. As such, Azerbaijan forms the backbone of any realistic, expandable and commercially viable east–west gas corridor.
Turkmenistan holds around 13.6 trillion cubic metres of natural gas reserves, yet most of its exports currently flow to China. Recent, limited gas swap arrangements via Iran into Türkiye may signal the early stages of a broader corridor. Volumes remain modest, but the geopolitical implications are significant: infrastructure and political pathways are being tested.
Two scenarios could reshape the outlook. The first runs through Iran. With some 34 trillion cubic metres of reserves, Iran could become a major supplier if sanctions ease and regional tensions subside. Even partial reintegration into global markets could lift flows to Türkiye well beyond today’s roughly 10 bcm per year.
The second is the long-discussed Trans-Caspian pipeline, linking Turkmen gas directly to Azerbaijan and onward via the Southern Gas Corridor. In this configuration, Azerbaijan’s role becomes even more central - as both transit country and system integrator. Expanding capacity from 16 bcm to more than 30 bcm would not fully replace Russian gas, but it would significantly strengthen Europe’s supply resilience.
Azerbaijan’s role is also expanding geographically. Beyond supplying Türkiye and Europe, new possibilities are emerging for southbound flows. Initial, limited deliveries via Türkiye into Syria suggest the outlines of a north–south corridor.
If scaled, this could extend further into Iraq and eventually connect with Eastern Mediterranean and even Gulf gas systems. In such a scenario, Azerbaijani gas - combined with other regional sources - could flow through Türkiye in multiple directions, reinforcing its position as a distribution and trading hub rather than a simple transit route.
Iraq produces roughly 4.5m barrels of oil per day, most of it exported via Basra. Yet northern fields around Kirkuk remain strategically important for Türkiye. The Kirkuk–Ceyhan pipeline, with a theoretical capacity of 1m b/d, has long operated below potential due to political and technical disruptions.
Restoring full capacity would significantly strengthen Türkiye’s role as a Mediterranean energy terminal. Additional infrastructure linking Basra to the north could further increase volumes reaching global markets via Ceyhan.
The Eastern Mediterranean is estimated to hold 2–3 trillion cubic metres of gas. Discoveries such as Leviathan, Tamar and Zohr have elevated the region’s importance, yet much of this gas remains undeveloped. The primary obstacles are political, not technical.
Co-operation frameworks excluding Türkiye, such as EastMed, face economic and technical challenges, including high costs and deepwater complexities. By contrast, a route via Türkiye offers a shorter and more commercially viable alternative.
For Europe, Eastern Mediterranean gas is not a full substitute but a complementary source. For Türkiye - and indirectly for Azerbaijan as part of an integrated corridor - the region represents an opportunity to expand supply diversity and market reach.
Türkiye’s Sakarya gas field, with estimated reserves of 710 bcm, marks a turning point. Planned production of 10–15 bcm annually could make a meaningful contribution to a country consuming around 55 bcm per year.
Romania’s Neptun Deep project and Ukraine’s offshore potential suggest the Black Sea could emerge as a regional energy hub. Integration with Caspian flows - particularly Azerbaijani and potentially Turkmen gas - would create a more resilient and diversified system.
Meanwhile, Russian gas continues to flow through Blue Stream and TurkStream, underlining Türkiye’s multi-source supply structure.
Türkiye’s offshore exploration in Somalia represents the southern leg of this emerging architecture. While proven reserves remain uncertain, geological prospects are promising. More importantly, Somalia’s proximity to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait - through which 6–7m barrels of oil pass daily - gives it strategic significance.
Exploration is only the first step. Production will require partnerships with major international energy companies, as Türkiye’s national operator alone lacks the financial and technical capacity to deliver large-scale results.
Türkiye’s presence in Somalia is therefore not only about hydrocarbons, but about positioning itself within critical global energy routes.
Cyprus has become increasingly central to the Eastern Mediterranean equation. It is not merely an energy zone but a geopolitical pivot at the heart of maritime jurisdiction disputes. Any compromise on Türkiye’s and the Turkish Cypriots’ rights would entail not only economic but strategic losses.
Energy and sovereignty are deeply intertwined in the region. Türkiye’s policy must therefore remain both balanced and firm.
Recent developments point to a clear conclusion: in today’s energy landscape, it is not only resource ownership that matters, but control over flows. Crises in Iran and the Gulf have demonstrated how the disruption of a single chokepoint can reverberate across the global economy.
For Türkiye, the central question is where it positions itself within this system. Early moves in Somalia, a calibrated strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean, the growing centrality of Azerbaijan, and a pivotal role in Caspian-Iran-Black Sea corridors could together elevate Türkiye into a key actor in global energy flows.
The Eastern Mediterranean, Africa and the Gulf should no longer be viewed in isolation, but as components of a single, integrated geopolitical energy system.
Otherwise, Türkiye risks remaining what it has long been: a bridge used by others, rather than a centre shaping the system itself.
Efforts to end the U.S.-Iran war appeared to stall as the two sides exchanged fire in and around the Strait of Hormuz. A reported CIA assessment suggested Tehran could withstand a U.S. naval blockade for months despite mounting sanctions and renewed Gulf attacks.
British paratroopers and military medics have been deployed to Tristan da Cunha after a suspected hantavirus case was confirmed, as first evacuation flights carrying passengers from the stricken MV Hondius cruise ship left Tenerife for Madrid and Paris.
Russia is holding a significantly scaled-back Victory Day parade in Moscow on 9 May 2026, reflecting heightened security concerns and the ongoing war in Ukraine, now in its fourth year.
Indonesian rescue teams have located two Singaporeans who went missing after Mount Dukono erupted on Friday (8 May) on the island of Halmahera, though authorities say it remains unclear whether they are alive.
The U.S. Defense Department has released dozens of previously classified files on unidentified anomalous phenomena (UAP) on Friday (8 May), following an order from President Donald Trump. U.S. officials described as a push for “unprecedented transparency”.
In a region where borders have long been drawn in blood rather than ink, even the act of sitting across the table carries strategic weight. The latest border talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan may appear procedural, but they carry profound geopolitical significance.
Hungarians put an end to the sixteen years of Viktor Orbán’s premiership on the night of 12 April when Fidesz - Orbán’s party - witnessed its largest and most bitter defeat in all of its history. In a matter of hours, 155 of the Hungarian parliament’s seats went to Tisza, Magyar’s party.
The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) exit by the United Arab Emirates has largely been viewed through a narrow economic lens: higher Emirati output, potential increases by Saudi Arabia and others to protect market share, and downward pressure on global prices.
The European Commission approved the deployment of a new mission to Armenia on 21 April that would share European experience in handling hybrid threats.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s latest statements have become a contested topic in Türkiye and beyond - less for what they intended to say than for what they inadvertently revealed.
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